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Work in behavioural economics has questioned traditional measures for welfare. This book asks whether a different measure for individual welfare can, and should, be found. It explores whether a hedonistic view of welfare represents a viable alternative, and what its normative implications are

ObjectiveThe aim of the present article is to address Tocqueville's hypothesis that voluntary associations and volunteering are breeding grounds for democratic virtues and skills and thus enhance political participation.MethodsData from the British Household Panel Survey data set spanning the years 1991–2008 are analyzed using multivariate panel data regression techniques to assess the effect of voluntary association membership/activities on political participation in the United Kingdom.ResultsIt is found that organizational activity (more than mere membership) positively impacts political participation, but these effects are smaller than usually found and depend on types of associations and degree of activity. Sensitivity analyses support the finding that the political interest more strongly predicts political party support than associational activities. Further support for causal interpretations is scant.ConclusionSome evidence for Tocqueville's hypothesis can be found for the United kingdom during the sample horizon, but the effect is sensitive to model specification and issues of reverse causation remain.

Das Scheitern der Ersten Republik steht im engen Zusammenhang mit der Weltwirtschaftskrise von 1929 und deren Auswirkungen auf Österreich. Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit beschäftigt sich mit den wirtschafts-, finanz- und sozialpolitischen Konzepten, die in Österreich während der Zwischenkriegszeit, vor allem in den Folgejahren der Weltwirtschaftskrise, verfolgt wurden. Insbesondere wird der Erfolg dieser Konzepte und Maßnahmen untersucht und deren Einfluss auf das Scheitern der Demokratie analysiert. Es wird die politische und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Österreichs zwischen den Jahren 1918 und 1934 beschrieben, mit einem besonderen Schwerpunkt auf den Folgejahren der Großen Depression. Der Zusammenhang zwischen wirtschaftlicher Entwicklung und der Etablierung von autoritären Strömungen wird genauer betrachtet. Arbeitslosigkeit, als zentrales Symptom wirtschaftlicher und sozialer Probleme, drastische Gegensätze der politischen Lager sowie der mangelnde Glaube an die Überlebensfähigkeit Österreichs standen einer demokratischen Entwicklung der Ersten Republik maßgeblich im Weg. Vor allem die Anforderungen des Völkerbundes im Rahmen der Genfer und Lausanner Anleihen, sowie die von deflationistischen Konzepten geprägte Wirtschaftspolitik verschärften und prolongierten den ökomischen Einbruch entscheidend und waren somit auch mitverantwortlich für den Zusammenbruch der Demokratie in Österreich. ; The collapse of the first republic is closely connected to the Great Depression of 1929 and its influence on Austria. This thesis describes economic, financial and social political concepts during the interwar era in Austria, in particular in the following years of the Great Depression. Especially the success of these policies and measures is reviewed and their influence on the breakdown of democracy is analyzed. The political and economic development of Austria is described with an emphasis on the years from 1929 to 1934. The connection between economic crises and democratic breakdown gets closely examined. Unemployment, as most important symptom of the economic and social problems, conflicts between political parties and the lack of confidence in the survivability of Austria stood in the way of Austrias democratic development. Most importantly the rules of the league of nations, as well as the deflationist concepts which were popular by means of fighting the crises, intensified and extended the economic problems and therefore were partially responsible for the democratic breakdown. ; vorgelegt von Martin Binder ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2687168

Over the past two decades, the United Nations Security Council has responded more strongly to some humanitarian crises than to others. This variation in Security Council action raises the important question of what factors motivate United Nations intervention. This article offers a configurational explanation of selective Security Council intervention that integrates explanatory variables from different theories of third-party intervention. These variables are tested through a comparison of 31 humanitarian crises (1991–2004) using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. The analysis shows that a large extent of human suffering and substantial previous involvement in a crisis by international institutions are the key explanatory conditions for coercive Security Council action, but only when combined with negative spillover effects to neighboring countries (path 1) or with low capabilities of the target state (path 2). These results are highly consistent and explain 85% of Security Council interventions after the end of the Cold War. The findings suggest that the Council's response to humanitarian crises is not random, but follows specific patterns that are indicated by a limited number of causal paths.

Over the past two decades, the United Nations Security Council has responded more strongly to some humanitarian crises than to others. This variation in Security Council action raises the important question of what factors motivate United Nations intervention. This article offers a configurational explanation of selective Security Council intervention that integrates explanatory variables from different theories of third-party intervention. These variables are tested through a comparison of 31 humanitarian crises (1991–2004) using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. The analysis shows that a large extent of human suffering and substantial previous involvement in a crisis by international institutions are the key explanatory conditions for coercive Security Council action, but only when combined with negative spillover effects to neighboring countries (path 1) or with low capabilities of the target state (path 2). These results are highly consistent and explain 85% of Security Council interventions after the end of the Cold War. The findings suggest that the Council's response to humanitarian crises is not random, but follows specific patterns that are indicated by a limited number of causal paths. ; Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG-geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich / This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively.